The Status of Hazara Women Under Taliban Rule: An Analytical Review

47 Min Read

Author: Engineer Rahmatullah Mohseni

Rahmatullah Mohseni, a graduate in civil engineering in 2014 from Herat University, currently lives in Islamabad, Pakistan. He was born in the Nahor district of Ghazni province. In addition to social activities in human rights organizations and cultural associations, he is also interested in writing and poetry.

 

Table of Contents:

  1. Introduction
  2. Historical Background of Discrimination Against Hazaras
  3. Taliban Policies Against Women
  4. Deprivation of Education
  5. Political Suppression and Social Elimination
  6. Targeted Violence
  7. Economic Deprivation
  8. Psychological and Social Consequences
  9. Resistance and Hope
  10. Conclusion
  11. References and Sources

 

  1. Introduction

Afghanistan is a country whose contemporary history is intertwined with successive wars, tribal structures, and social crises. From the 19th century to the present, every government that has ruled this land has been accompanied by varying degrees of ethnic, religious, and gender discrimination. Among these, Afghan women have always been subjected to the most severe social pressures, as in a patriarchal society, they are often the silent victims of war and politics.

 

In examining multilayered discriminations, Hazara women hold a special position. The Hazara ethnic group, long recognized as one of Afghanistan’s minority communities, has always faced structural deprivation due to racial and religious differences. Hazara women, in this context, have been doubly discriminated against: on one hand as women in a patriarchal society, and on the other as part of a minority ethnic and religious group.

 

Political developments in Afghanistan in recent decades, although creating short-term opportunities for women, never led to sustainable establishment. After the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001, women gradually entered educational, civil, and political arenas. Hazara women also had a prominent presence in this process, with many gaining access to universities, engaging in civil institutions, and even representing in politics. However, this process was severely interrupted and collapsed with the Taliban’s return in 2021.

 

From the first days of their renewed dominance, the Taliban imposed strict policies against women: banning secondary and higher education for girls, prohibiting work in many offices, mandating compulsory covering, and restricting movement without a male guardian. These measures marginalized women across Afghanistan; but for Hazara women, the consequences were multilayered, as they grappled not only with the Taliban’s misogynistic policies but also with ethnic and religious discriminations.

 

This situation has created a form of “double discrimination.” In other words, Hazara women in Afghanistan today are victims of three simultaneous types of discrimination: gender discrimination (for being women), ethnic discrimination (for being Hazara), and religious discrimination (for being Shia). This triad of discrimination has made them the most vulnerable social group in the current political and cultural structure.

 

The Taliban’s return to power also signifies the reproduction of a historical cycle of violence and deprivation. In Afghanistan’s contemporary history, whenever an extremist or authoritarian group has seized power, minorities have been the first victims. With their exclusionary ideology, the Taliban have effectively deprived Hazara women of all basic rights and driven them to the margins of society.

 

The importance of examining the status of Hazara women under Taliban rule is twofold, as this issue is not merely a human rights matter but a reflection of the broader crisis of social justice in Afghanistan. If the status of Hazara women is not properly understood and analyzed, a comprehensive understanding of the structure of discrimination and violence in Afghanistan will not be possible.

 

From a sociological perspective, Hazara women in the current conditions represent the “most marginalized stratum” in Afghanistan. They experience even more restrictions compared to other Afghan women. This issue is evident not only in education and work but also in daily life; to the extent that many Hazara women are even deprived of basic physical security.

 

From a psychological and cultural perspective, the Taliban’s widespread deprivations on Hazara women will have a destructive impact on future generations. Girls deprived of education today will become mothers tomorrow who cannot raise their children on the path of awareness and development. This vicious cycle can deepen the historical deprivation of Hazaras and become a serious obstacle to the social progress of this community.

 

From a legal perspective, the status of Hazara women is a clear violation of international treaties. The Taliban, by imposing widespread restrictions on women, have violated the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). However, the issue of Hazara women, in addition to these violations, is the most prominent example of “systematic discrimination against minorities” in the world today.

 

In conclusion, examining the status of Hazara women under Taliban rule is not merely the study of a specific social group; rather, it is the analysis of a multilayered crisis at the intersection of gender, ethnicity, and religion. This article, with this approach, will attempt to illuminate various dimensions of Hazara women’s status and provide a comprehensive picture of the challenges and threats they experience.

Protest in Piazza Esquilino organized by Afghan community and Nawroz Association to protest against the violation of women’s rights and against the genocide of the Hazara people in Afghanistan. (Photo by Matteo Nardone/Pacific Press/Sipa USA)No Use Germany.
  1. Historical Background of Discrimination Against Hazaras

Hazaras are one of Afghanistan’s indigenous ethnic groups who have been subjected to discrimination and suppression from the 19th century to the present. These discriminations have occurred in political, social, economic, and cultural dimensions and have often taken on a systematic and organized nature. Hazara women, in this context, have been the most vulnerable part of their society; as in addition to ethnic-religious discrimination, they have also faced gender discrimination.

 

During the reign of Amir Abdul Rahman Khan (1880–1901), widespread suppression against Hazaras took place. Thousands of Hazara men were killed or enslaved, and vast areas of their lands were confiscated by the government and Pashtun tribes (Mousavi, 1998). In this process, Hazara women suffered the most: many were sold as war booty, some forced into marriage, and others directly victims of violence and sexual assault.

 

Forced migration was another tool of suppression against Hazaras. Thousands of Hazara families were driven from central regions to northern Afghanistan or even across borders. These forced migrations placed Hazara women in even harsher conditions; as they had to endure displacement while bearing the heavy burden of family preservation. This legacy of displacement and homelessness still lives in the collective memory of Hazaras.

 

From a social perspective, discrimination against Hazaras continued in the form of systematic policies of deprivation from education, political participation, and economic opportunities. Hazara women, who were already deprived of education, were effectively marginalized. This issue caused literacy rates among Hazara women to remain very low for decades, preventing them from playing a role in Afghanistan’s social-political structure.

 

In the 20th century, despite changes in governments from monarchy to republic and then communist regimes, discrimination against Hazaras did not completely disappear. Even during Zahir Shah’s rule, Hazaras had little presence in the political structure, and Hazara women remained in the lower layers of society. They had less access to health and educational services and often lived in poverty.

 

The era of jihad against the Soviets was also a challenging period for Hazaras, especially Hazara women. Although some Hazara parties gained relative power during this time, internal wars caused women to once again become victims of violence. Rape, forced marriages, and displacement were part of the bitter experiences of Hazara women in this period.

 

With the emergence of the Taliban in the 1990s, discrimination against Hazaras reached its peak again. The Taliban, with their exclusionary religious ideology, viewed Hazaras as ideological enemies due to their Shia faith. In the massacres of Mazar-i-Sharif, Yakawlang, and Bamyan, Hazara women, in addition to losing family members, were themselves victims of widespread violence. Many reports indicate that Hazara women were subjected to rape and sexual slavery in these attacks.

 

Historical discrimination against Hazaras has not been limited to overt violence. In Afghanistan’s political and cultural structures, they have always faced negative labels and derogatory stereotypes. This discriminatory view has made Hazara women more vulnerable than men; as they have always been kept on the margins and denied access to resources of power and social advancement.

 

After the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001, although the status of Hazaras improved somewhat and Hazara women were able to enter educational and civil arenas, historical discrimination still cast its shadow. In many cases, Hazara women faced serious obstacles in participating in universities, media, or politics. Additionally, targeted attacks on educational centers in Hazara-inhabited areas demonstrated the persistence of discriminatory views against this ethnic group.

 

This historical background of discrimination has created the foundation for the fragility of Hazara women’s current position. The Taliban’s return in 2021 means the reproduction of the same historical cycle of suppression. Hazara women, who have repeatedly been victims of massacres, discrimination, and deprivation throughout history, are today facing the same old threats but in a new form.

 

Therefore, to properly understand the status of Hazara women under Taliban rule, knowledge of this historical background is essential. Without this background, it is impossible to comprehend why Hazara women are considered the most vulnerable stratum of Afghan society. Past discriminations not only remain in their collective memory but have structurally sedimented in Afghanistan’s social-political system and are being reproduced today in the form of Taliban policies.

  1. Taliban Policies Against Women

After the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021, Afghan women, especially Hazara women, faced severe and structural restrictions. These policies have not only weakened women’s social and political presence but have also fundamentally endangered their educational, economic, and cultural future. With an ideological and extremist approach, the Taliban view women as inferior beings and reduce their role to the confines of the home.

 

One of the first actions of the Taliban after regaining control of Afghanistan was closing the doors of secondary schools and high schools to girls. This decision deprived millions of Afghan girls of the right to education and set back the country’s human development process. This ban later extended to universities, effectively depriving a new generation of girls from access to higher education.

 

Work restrictions are another of the Taliban’s policies. Women have been prohibited from employment in most government and non-government institutions and are only allowed to work in limited sectors such as health, midwifery, and primary education with severe restrictions. This policy has not only destroyed women’s economic independence but has also pushed many families reliant on women’s income into severe poverty.

 

The Taliban have also forced women to adhere to strict dress codes. The use of burqa or mandatory hijab, and punishments for those who do not comply, have become tools of psychological and social pressure. In addition, women are not allowed inter-city or sometimes even intra-city travel without a male guardian; an issue that has effectively reduced their freedom of movement and social participation to zero.

 

Restrictions on civil and social activities are also very severe. The Taliban have violently suppressed women’s justice-seeking demonstrations and have arrested, tortured, or forced many women’s rights activists to leave the country. These policies have silenced protesting voices and created widespread fear among the women’s community.

 

The Taliban’s policies are not limited to superficial issues but also have psychological and cultural dimensions. Imposing isolation and house arrest on women has led to the loss of self-confidence, widespread depression, and increased domestic violence. This process transforms women from active citizens into obedient and isolated beings.

 

Hazara women, in addition to these restrictions, face double deprivations due to their ethnic and religious affiliation. The Taliban target them not only as women but also as members of an ethnic-religious minority. This has placed Hazara women under dual discrimination: both for being women and for being Hazara.

 

Many Hazara women have been deprived of higher education, government jobs, and political participation, and in numerous cases, have become victims of terrorist and targeted attacks. Attacks on Hazara educational centers, where female students were the main victims, show that the Taliban and aligned groups not only prevent women’s education but also systematically deprive them of the right to a safe life.

 

The restrictions imposed on Afghan women, especially Hazara women, have a direct impact on social development. When half of the country’s population is deprived of active participation in economic, educational, and political arenas, society will suffer from poverty, instability, and backwardness. This situation not only threatens the future of women but also seriously endangers the future of all Afghanistan.

 

In the end, the Taliban’s policies against women can be considered a form of “gender apartheid” and for Hazara women, a “combined gender-ethnic apartheid.” These policies not only contradict human rights principles and international documents but are also contrary to Afghanistan’s historical and cultural traditions. The resistance of Afghan women, especially Hazara women, against these policies demonstrates their efforts to achieve justice, equality, and freedom; although this path remains difficult and dangerous.

 

  1. Deprivation of Education

Education has always been one of the most fundamental human rights and an important tool for liberation from poverty and discrimination. In Afghanistan, Hazara women and girls, especially in the two decades before the Taliban’s renewed rule, achieved significant progress in education. Areas like Bamyan and Daykundi were known as pioneers in girls’ education, with literacy rates among women in these regions higher than the national average. However, with the Taliban’s return in 2021, all these achievements faced the danger of destruction.

 

One of the first actions of the Taliban was closing secondary and high schools to girls. This action prevented millions of Afghan girls, including thousands of Hazara girls, from continuing their studies. This decision not only violated their right to education but also plunged the future of a new generation of women into darkness. As a result, girls who dreamed of becoming doctors, teachers, engineers, or social leaders are now deprived of their most basic rights.

 

Universities were not spared from these restrictions either. The Taliban, continuing their misogynistic policies, banned girls’ entry to universities. Many Hazara girls who, despite security threats, had made their way to Kabul and other cities to pursue higher education, were suddenly deprived of this opportunity. This situation not only shattered their hopes but also rendered the investments of families and society in girls’ education fruitless.

 

Deprivation of education is not only directed at students; female teachers have also been severely affected. Many Hazara female teachers who had taught in schools for years and were pillars of the educational system in their regions were dismissed. This action caused thousands of families reliant on these women’s income to face economic problems. Moreover, the absence of female teachers, especially in conservative areas, has led to girls having less access to education even in primary levels.

 

The Taliban’s policy of closing the doors of education to girls reproduces a cycle of poverty and deprivation. When girls cannot receive education, they will have limited job opportunities in the future, and this economic restriction will negatively impact entire families and subsequent generations. Such conditions not only hinder women’s progress but also drive society toward backwardness and greater dependency.

 

In Hazara-inhabited areas, education has always been a tool for fighting ethnic and religious discrimination. Hazaras have been able to find a place in the country’s political and social structure through education. But with the Taliban’s policies, these achievements are threatened. Closing schools and universities to Hazara girls is effectively an attempt to eliminate them from scientific and social arenas.

 

This deprivation also has widespread psychological consequences. Girls who studied for years and imagined a bright future are now suffering from despair and depression. Many feel that their identity and dreams have been suppressed. This situation has led to the spread of mental crises among Hazara women, which, alongside other political and security pressures, has created very difficult conditions.

 

In addition, these policies have led to increased forced migration. Many Hazara families have decided to leave the country to preserve their children’s educational future. However, these migrations are often dangerous and costly, bringing new problems such as economic and social instability.

 

Deprivation of education also has long-term consequences for Afghanistan’s development. A country where half its population is deprived of education can never achieve sustainable development. Educated women play an important role in improving health, economy, politics, and culture. Eliminating them from the educational scene deprives Afghanistan of immense potential that could have been the driving force for progress.

 

In the end, the Taliban’s policies in depriving Hazara girls and women of education can be seen as part of systematic discrimination that not only violates individual rights but also destroys the future of a society. The resistance of Hazara women against these restrictions—whether in the form of civil protests or continuing education in hidden conditions or abroad—demonstrates their determination to preserve the right to education. These efforts symbolize hope against the darkness of the Taliban’s misogynistic policies.

  1. Political Suppression and Social Elimination

One of the important dimensions of the Taliban’s policies against women is their political suppression and social elimination. This suppression is not only applied at a general level to all Afghan women but has greater intensity for Hazara women due to their ethnic and religious affiliation. Hazara women, who in the two decades after 2001 were able to play a prominent role in civil, educational, and social arenas, are now directly targeted by elimination and suppression policies.

 

After the fall of the republican government, brave women in Kabul, Herat, Bamyan, and other cities protested against the Taliban’s restrictions. However, the Taliban suppressed these protests with severe violence. Reports from international organizations like Amnesty International (2022) show that peaceful women’s gatherings in Kabul and Bamyan were met with beatings, aerial shootings, and forced arrests. These responses sent a clear message to the women’s community: any effort for political or social participation will be met with suppression.

 

Hazara female activists, who in recent decades were pioneers in justice-seeking and human rights, have endured the most pressure. Many of these women have been arrested, interrogated, tortured, or forced into hiding. Examples include women active in justice movements to illuminate the dimensions of Hazara genocide. The Taliban have systematically pressured them to silence these voices.

 

The social elimination of Hazara women is not limited to politics; it has also affected their daily lives. Many women who worked in government institutions or non-governmental organizations lost their jobs. This has not only deprived them of economic independence but has also severely limited their social role. As a result, Hazara women who were previously active in local management, education, health, and development projects are now marginalized.

 

From a social perspective, the Taliban, by imposing strict restrictions on dress, movement, and public presence, have effectively made women’s presence in public spaces impossible. Hazara women who were active in universities, schools, and workplaces are now forced to be confined at home. This situation has not only deprived them of personal growth opportunities but has also caused reduced social interactions and forced isolation.

 

Another dimension of suppression is the psychological and security pressure on the families of active Hazara women. The Taliban often threaten or harass their families to force women into silence. Such policies have created an atmosphere of fear and terror that has plunged not only women but the entire Hazara community into political silence and passivity.

 

This organized elimination has long-term consequences for society. When women are sidelined from the public arena, the social participation of half the country’s population is effectively eliminated. This means weakening civil society, halting democratic processes, and reproducing patriarchal and discriminatory systems. For Hazara women, this elimination combines with ethnic and religious discrimination and becomes a form of “double elimination.”

 

Hazara women are also at risk of assassination and targeted attacks. In recent years, schools, educational centers, and mosques in Hazara-inhabited areas have been targeted by terrorist attacks, with victims mainly young women and girls. The Taliban, through inability or lack of will to protect these communities, have effectively provided the ground for the continuation of these violences. This has caused Hazara women not only to be deprived of social participation but also to have their physical security severely threatened.

 

From an identity perspective, the elimination of Hazara women is an effort to silence the narrative of justice-seeking and equality that they represented in the past two decades. These women, through their presence in cultural, educational, and political arenas, were able to present a new image of the Hazara community. But the Taliban, with their suppressive policies, are trying to erase these achievements from collective memory.

 

In the end, the political suppression and social elimination of Hazara women is not only a clear violation of human rights but also a serious threat to Afghanistan’s future. A society that silences the voice of half its population cannot tread the path of development and justice. The resistance of Hazara women against this suppression, although accompanied by serious dangers, demonstrates their persistence against the Taliban’s efforts to completely marginalize them.

 

  1. Targeted Violence

One of the most serious threats experienced by the Hazara community, especially its women, is targeted and systematic violence. These violences are not random but are planned against the Hazara population. Hazara women and girls, due to the simultaneous layers of discrimination—gender and ethnic-religious—have suffered the most from these violences.

 

One of the shocking examples of these violences was the attack on the “Kaj” educational center in Dasht-e Barchi, Kabul, in September 2022. In this terrorist attack, dozens of students, mostly young Hazara girls, were killed or injured. The Human Rights Watch report (HRW, 2022) showed that this attack not only took innocent lives but also created a severe atmosphere of terror among Hazara families. Many parents, after this incident, refrained from sending their daughters to educational centers, inflicting an irreparable blow to the educational future of girls.

 

Targeted violences have not been limited to educational centers. Mosques, religious ceremonies, and Shia social gatherings, especially in western Kabul, have repeatedly been targeted by suicide attacks and bombings. These attacks have affected women and children as the most vulnerable stratum of society more than others. Women’s presence in mosques or religious ceremonies, which was previously part of their social and spiritual life, is now accompanied by constant fear of death.

 

Hazara women are not only direct victims of these violences but also bear their psychological and social burden. Mothers who have lost their children in such attacks live with double grief. Girls who have witnessed the massacre of their classmates in educational centers have suffered deep psychological injuries. These wounds are not only individual but are etched into the collective memory of the Hazara community, with effects lasting for generations.

 

In addition to human casualties, targeted violences have led to increased displacement among Hazara families. Many families, to preserve their children’s lives, have been forced to leave their homes and migrate to safer areas or even neighboring countries. This displacement puts women under more pressure than others, as they are responsible for caring for children and the elderly in addition to preserving their own safety.

 

These violences also have widespread consequences on the social participation of Hazara women. Fear of attacks has caused them to participate less in social, educational, and even economic activities. This situation accelerates the gradual elimination of women from the public arena; a process aligned with the Taliban’s policies to marginalize women.

 

It must be noted that the continuation of these attacks without accountability and legal pursuit has created a “culture of impunity.” Perpetrators and planners of these attacks are rarely identified or prosecuted, providing the ground for repetition of violences. For Hazara women, this lack of response means living in a state of permanent insecurity.

 

From a sociological perspective, targeted violences against Hazara women are a form of “gender-based and ethnicity-based violence” aimed at destroying not only the individual but the entire collective identity. Attacks on girls’ educational centers or Shia mosques are efforts to destroy the cultural, scientific, and spiritual capacities of the Hazara community.

 

At the same time, the resistance of Hazara women against these violences is noteworthy. Despite threats and attacks, many women have continued home studies, secret teaching, or human rights activities. This resistance shows that despite the intensity of violences, the will of Hazara women for survival and progress has not been extinguished.

 

In the end, targeted violences against Hazara women are not only a clear violation of human rights and international law but also a serious threat to social stability and Afghanistan’s future. Ignoring this situation not only puts Hazara women but the entire society at risk of deeper crises. Addressing these violences requires international pressure, legal pursuit, and serious support for the Hazara community to end the cycle of fear, death, and displacement.

  1. Economic Deprivation

Economic deprivation is one of the important dimensions of the Taliban’s discriminatory policies against women, with more severe and multilayered effects for Hazara women. The Taliban, by imposing widespread restrictions on women’s work, have eliminated hundreds of Hazara women from formal employment arenas. This action has not only destroyed their economic independence but has also confronted the livelihoods of families dependent on women’s income with a serious crisis.

 

Among the first sectors affected by this policy were schools and educational institutions. Hazara women who had been active as teachers, managers, and educational staff for years were suddenly dismissed. This had two major consequences: first, cutting off income that formed a significant part of family budgets; second, weakening the educational structure in Hazara-inhabited areas, which was highly dependent on female teachers.

 

The health sector was also damaged by these policies. The Taliban, by limiting women’s presence in hospitals and treatment centers, deprived hundreds of Hazara doctors, nurses, and midwives of their jobs. This not only cut off their source of income but also severely reduced health services for women and children in Hazara-inhabited areas. In such conditions, both women providing services and women needing health services became victims of the Taliban’s misogynistic policies.

 

Deprivation from formal work forced many Hazara women to turn to informal and low-income activities. Some, to provide minimum livelihood, engaged in housework, carpet weaving, street vending, or simple labor. These types of activities often lack stability, job security, and legal support, and their income is by no means sufficient for the needs of large families.

 

Among Hazara women, a group are heads of households and have direct responsibility for providing livelihood for children and the elderly. The Taliban’s policies have placed this group in far more difficult conditions. These women, who previously achieved relative independence through formal work, are now marginalized due to lack of jobs and reduced economic opportunities.

 

Another consequence of this deprivation is the spread of poverty in Hazara families. Since a large part of the Hazara community was already facing structural discrimination and resource shortages, eliminating women from the economic cycle has increased vulnerability to an unprecedented level. This widespread poverty has not only endangered family food security but has also limited their access to education, health services, and basic living facilities.

 

Poverty resulting from economic deprivation also has deep psychological and social effects. Many Hazara women have experienced feelings of powerlessness, forced dependency, and social humiliation. This situation, especially for women previously active in professional arenas, has created a kind of identity crisis and loss of social position.

 

On the other hand, these policies have also hindered the economic flourishing of the Hazara community. In past decades, Hazara women played an important role in raising literacy levels, improving family economic status, and social development in their regions. Eliminating them from the labor market has confronted not only families but the entire community with stagnation and backwardness.

 

Increased economic dependency of women on men is another consequence of these policies. Women who enjoyed financial independence are now forced to rely on male family members for basic living needs. This dependency exposes them more than ever to domestic violence, discrimination, and social restrictions.

 

In the end, the economic deprivation of Hazara women is not merely an individual or family issue but part of the Taliban’s broader policies to marginalize this ethnic-religious group. These policies have effectively reproduced the cycle of poverty, inequality, and dependency by depriving women of employment, seriously threatening the economic and social future of the Hazara community.

  1. Psychological and Social Consequences

One of the hidden but very deep dimensions of the Taliban’s policies against women is their psychological and social consequences. Hazara women, due to the simultaneity of gender and ethnic discrimination, face a double burden of emotional injuries. Widespread restrictions on education, work, and social presence have trapped them in a cycle of isolation and suppression.

 

Forced isolation is the first consequence of this situation. Women who before 2021 were active in schools, universities, offices, or civil movements are now forced to spend most of their time at home and away from the public arena. This isolation has not only limited their access to social and job opportunities but has also weakened their social relationships and support networks.

 

Forced marriages have also increased as one of the consequences of these conditions. Field reports show that the Taliban in many areas force young Hazara girls into unwanted marriages or pressure families to marry their daughters to Taliban armed individuals. This process has completely deprived women of the right to choose in their personal lives.

 

Domestic violence has also increased among Hazara families. Economic, social, and psychological pressures resulting from the current conditions have led to increased tensions within families, and women, especially housewives, are more exposed to physical and psychological violence than before.

 

Another consequence is the prevalence of depression and anxiety. Hazara women who dreamed of progress in educational and job arenas now see themselves in a deadlock. Despair about the future, feelings of powerlessness against suppressive structures, and fear of targeted attacks have created severe mental problems among them. According to the UN Women report (2023), the rate of depression and anxiety among Afghan women, especially Hazara women, has increased dramatically.

 

Despair about the future is one of the dominant features of this period. Many Hazara women feel that not only their current opportunities have been lost, but there is no hope for improvement in the near future. This despair has severely reduced their motivation for social participation and efforts for change.

 

From a social perspective, eliminating women from the public arena has caused the erosion of their collective identity. The social identity of Hazara women, shaped over the past two decades based on education, employment, civil and cultural activities, is now facing destruction. This elimination means a return to a traditional and restrictive era that defines women solely within the framework of the home.

 

Overall, the psychological and social consequences of the Taliban’s policies have not only made Hazara women highly vulnerable but are also a threat to the health of the entire society. A society where half its population lives in isolation, fear, and despair will lose its ability for growth, dynamism, and progress.

 

  1. Resistance and Hope

Despite severe pressures, Hazara women remain an inseparable part of civil resistance in Afghanistan. They have not surrendered to the Taliban’s suppressive policies and, despite serious dangers, have sought various ways to continue the struggle and defend their rights.

 

One of the most important manifestations of Hazara women’s resistance has been holding street demonstrations in Kabul, Bamyan, and other cities. These protests, despite threats, arrests, and violent suppression, symbolize women’s courage and persistence. The presence of Hazara women at the forefront of these protests demonstrates their determination to stand against elimination and injustice.

 

Another tool of resistance is the extensive use of social media. Hazara women, utilizing platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, have conveyed their voice to the global community. These activities have not only increased international awareness of Afghan women’s status but have also provided a platform for forming political and legal pressures on the Taliban.

 

Creating solidarity networks among migrants is another part of this resistance. Hazara women forced to leave Afghanistan due to security threats have created networks of solidarity and support in various countries. These networks play an important role in providing psychological, social, and even legal support for migrant women and enable the continuation of the struggle on the international stage.

 

In addition, many Hazara women, through writing articles, speaking at international forums, and collaborating with human rights institutions, have been able to raise the status of Afghan women globally. These efforts have not only strengthened the voice of Afghan women but have also attracted the attention of human rights organizations and international institutions.

 

It is noteworthy that Hazara women’s resistance is not limited to confronting the Taliban; they are also striving to transfer the culture of resistance and hope to future generations. Many of these women, despite deprivation from formal education, hold secret classes to allow young girls to continue learning.

 

In this context, hope for the future remains a key element of this resistance. Hazara women, despite all difficulties, believe that one day the space of freedom, justice, and equality will be established in Afghanistan. This hope is the driving force that compels them to continue the difficult but necessary path of resistance.

 

Overall, the resistance and hope of Hazara women against the Taliban is not only a sign of the persistence of an oppressed community but also a symbol of human ability to stand against oppression and injustice. This resistance can inspire protest movements and justice-seeking.

  1. Conclusion

Examining the status of Hazara women under Taliban rule shows that this group of women is the most vulnerable stratum in today’s Afghan society. They are victims of “multilayered discrimination”: gender for being women, ethnic for being Hazara, and religious for being Shia. This triad of discrimination has created conditions where Hazara women are not only deprived of their basic rights such as education, work, and social participation, but even their physical and psychological security is seriously threatened.

 

The historical background of discrimination and massacres of Hazaras has created a fragile foundation for the current situation. The Taliban, with their renewed return in 2021, have effectively reproduced the same historical cycle of suppression and deprivation. Widespread deprivation from education, elimination from work and social arenas, suppression of civil protests, and direct targeting of Hazara women in terrorist attacks express a systematic policy to marginalize and silence them.

 

This situation is not only a clear violation of international documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) but is also a prominent example of “gender-ethnic apartheid” in the contemporary world. Eliminating Hazara women from education and society has long-term consequences for Afghanistan’s development. A society that sidelines half its population, especially at the intersection of multiple discriminations, will never be able to achieve social justice, stability, and sustainable development.

 

However, the resistance of Hazara women—whether in the form of civil protests, continuing education in hidden conditions, or cultural and social efforts—is a symbol of hope in the heart of darkness. This resistance shows that despite widespread pressures, the voice of Hazara women has not been silenced, and they are still seeking justice, freedom, and equality. Therefore, international community support for Hazara women is not only a human and ethical necessity but also a vital action for the future of Afghanistan and the region.

 

  1. References and Sources

Persian Sources

  1. Mousavi, Sayed Askar (1377). The Hazaras in Afghanistan. Tehran: Ney Publishing.
  2. Amnesty International (1401). “Report on the Human Rights Situation of Women in Afghanistan Under Taliban Rule.”
  3. BBC Persian (1402). “Deprivation of Women from Education in Afghanistan; A Humanitarian Crisis.”

 

English Sources

  1. Mousavi, Sayed Askar. (1998). The Hazaras of Afghanistan: An Historical, Cultural, Economic and Political Study. Richmond: Curzon Press.
  2. Amnesty International. (2022). Death in Slow Motion: Women and Girls Under Taliban Rule. London.
  3. Human Rights Watch. (2023). Afghanistan: Taliban’s War on Women. HRW Report.
  4. United Nations. (1948). Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).
  5. United Nations. (1979). Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).
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